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| | | Decommodifying Reproductive Health: Building Resilience Through A Rights-based Approach | |
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< | A woman’s reproductive system is perhaps the single most valuable thing for society’s productivity, for it enables the continuation of the labor force. Throughout history, reproductive health has followed the needs of labor capital as opposed to a steady progression towards reproductive autonomy. Indian famine conditions energized the neo-Malthusian birth control movement across the British Empire (Sreenivas, 2015); in the 1960s, the “population bomb” thesis led to various aggressive birth control policies (Felitti, 2022). Most recently, against the backdrop of demographic decline, Hungary introduced a tax exemption scheme for mothers — temporary for one child, and lifelong for two or more — to “encourage family growth” and foster a "family-centered economy.” (Anadolu Ajansı, 2025) Hungary’s literal equation of reproductive labor with monetary value demonstrates that the goal of reproductive policies is often not to advance autonomy, but to keep capitalism on its feet. | >
> | A woman’s reproductive system is perhaps the single most valuable thing for society’s productivity, for it enables the continuation of the labor force. Given that “the maintenance … of the working class [is] a necessary condition for the reproduction of capital” (Humphries, 1977), the health of women’s bodies became a necessity for perpetuating oppression. On one hand, investing in the health of women’s reproductive system is necessary to ensure the continuation of reproductive labor; on the other hand, there must be sufficient oppressive pressure to hinder female empowerment. | | | | |
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< | Given that “the maintenance … of the working class [is] a necessary condition for the reproduction of capital” (Humphries, 1977), the health of women’s bodies became a necessity for perpetuating oppression. On one hand, investing in the health of women’s reproductive system is necessary to ensure the continuation of reproductive labor; on the other hand, there must be sufficient oppressive pressure to hinder female empowerment. In turn, far from being an enshrined right, reproductive healthcare, from the beginning, has largely been designed to be a tool towards socio-political ends. Yet, as long as it is considered a commodity rather than a fundamental right, it will be susceptible to market forces and to efforts to maximize profits.” (Pavlakis, 2021) Such structural instabilities heighten its vulnerability to systematic destruction, as starkly demonstrated by the swiftness and ease of the Trump administration’s onslaught on the reproductive care system. | >
> | Throughout history, reproductive health has followed the needs of labor capital as opposed to a steady progression towards reproductive autonomy. Indian famine conditions energized the neo-Malthusian birth control movement across the British Empire (Sreenivas, 2015); in the 1960s, the “population bomb” thesis led to various aggressive birth control policies (Felitti, 2022). Most recently, against the backdrop of demographic decline, Hungary introduced a tax exemption scheme for mothers — temporary for one child, and lifelong for two or more — to “ encourage family growth” and foster a "family-centered economy.” (Anadolu Ajansı, 2025) Hungary’s literal equation of reproductive labor with monetary value demonstrates that the goal of reproductive policies is often not to advance autonomy, but to keep capitalism on its feet.
To this end, far from being an enshrined right, reproductive healthcare has largely been designed to be a tool towards socio-political ends. Yet, as long as it is considered a commodity rather than a fundamental right, it will be susceptible to market forces and to efforts to maximize profits.” (Pavlakis, 2021) Such structural instabilities heighten its vulnerability to systematic destruction, as starkly demonstrated by the swiftness and ease of the Trump administration’s onslaught on the reproductive care system. | | | Undoubtedly, progressive social values and feminist advocacy have made considerable strides toward reproductive autonomy. However, historically, advocacy sprang from a variety of motivations — Malthusian, eugenics, sexual radicalism, anti-patriarchical thought, and socialism (Hodgson, 1997; Gordon, 1975). In turn, while these discrete strands of advocacy have advanced reproductive care in critical areas, their often conflicting priorities have resulted in fragmented, often stand-alone, gains. The absence of a cohesive and comprehensive framework to safeguard the right to reproductive care, as a result, has left it vulnerable to recurrent political retrenchment. |
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