TonyWangSecondEssay 3 - 01 Jun 2024 - Main.TonyWang
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
Canada’s Online Streaming Act: Promoting Canada Through Censorship
-- By TonyWang - 15 Apr 2024 | |
< < | Section 2(b) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms gives Canadians a constitutionally protected right to Freedom of Expression, which the Online Streaming Act will inevitably violate because it promotes Canadian Content through Censorship. | > > | Section 2(b) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms gives Canadians a constitutionally protected right to Freedom of Expression, which the Online Streaming Act will inevitably violate through Censorship.
In this essay, I will explain what the Online Streaming Act does, and why rather than being a merely slippery slope for future problems, this statute’s censorship uniquely infringes charter rights while its predecessor Broadcasting Act does not. Additionally, I will expound why one might care — this censorship is beyond mere regulation of recommendation algorithms, but is the government’s attempt to punish the public for not sharing its purported narrative of Canada. | |
What is the Online Streaming Act?
| |
< < | The Online Streaming Act, known as Bill C-11, makes changes to Canada’s Broadcasting Act last updated in 1991. The Broadcasting Act gave the CRTA (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission the power to regulate broadcasting, with the purpose of making Canadian Content, or CanCon, accessible and available in Canada. Before the Online Streaming Act was passed in 2023, the Broadcasting Act did not include online media that delivers audio-visual content under its licensing and regulatory supervision. Today, the new Online Streaming Act will expand the CRTC’s regulatory powers beyond the radio to include the internet — online streaming platforms such as YouTube? , Netflix, Spotify, and etc. Clause 2 of the Act classifies audio-visual content on these streaming platforms as “Online Undertakings”, a class of broadcasting service subject to the licensing and regulation of the CRTC. Clause 10 of the Act gives the CRTC the power to mandate what proportion of programs on these streaming platforms must be Canadian Content or “!CanCon”. At this point, oen mgiht ask, what is content is considered Canadian? And who gets to decide what is Canadian enough? Well, herein lies the problem. The Online Streaming Act gives the CRTC the power to define what is considered Canadian Content, as well as the power to impose penalties on streaming platforms that do not comply with regulatory requirements. | > > | The Online Streaming Act, known as Bill C-11, makes changes to Canada’s Broadcasting Act last updated in 1991. The Broadcasting Act gave the CRTA (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission the power to regulate broadcasting, with the purpose of making Canadian Content, or CanCon, accessible and available in Canada. Before the Online Streaming Act was passed in 2023, the Broadcasting Act did not include online media that delivers audio-visual content under its licensing and regulatory supervision. Today, the new Online Streaming Act will expand the CRTC’s regulatory powers beyond the radio to include the internet — online streaming platforms such as YouTube? , Netflix, Spotify, and etc. Clause 2 of the Act classifies audio-visual content on these streaming platforms as “Online Undertakings”, a class of broadcasting service subject to the licensing and regulation of the CRTC. Clause 10 of the Act gives the CRTC the power to mandate what proportion of programs on these streaming platforms must be Canadian Content or “!CanCon”.
At this point, one might ask, what is content is considered Canadian? And who gets to decide what is Canadian enough? Well, herein lies the problem. The Online Streaming Act gives the CRTC the power to define what content is considered Canadian, as well as the power to impose penalties on streaming platforms that do not meet this quota.
Before we unpack why this is problematic, let’s understand what Proponents of the bill will argue. | | | |
< < | Something feels off right? Well, before we unpack what this will mean, let’s understand what Proponents of the bill will argue. | |
Why proponents say we need this Act.
Subsection B | |
< < | Proponents make three assertions. Firstly, the Online Streaming Act merely updates the outdated Broadcasting Act to include new forms of broadcasting on the internet, and it is a natural adaptation of the Broadcasting Act’s powers to the modern age. Secondly, such government paternalism and cultural protectionism is necessary for purposes of equality, because promoting Canadian content that reflects Canada’s diverse cultural identity and bilingualism will ensure Canada’s equality. Lastly, in response to public backlash and unease, the Bill stipulates that social media users that are not affiliated with service providers are not subject to the CRTC’s broadcasting regulations, so one need not worry about censorship because the CRTC will not stop you from uploading your cat videos to YouTube? or place penalties on you for not making enough Canadian Content. | > > | Proponents make several assertions. Firstly, the Online Streaming Act merely updates the outdated Broadcasting Act to include new forms of broadcasting on the internet, which is a natural adaptation of the Broadcasting Act’s powers to the modern age. Secondly, such government paternalism and cultural protectionism is necessary for purposes of equality, because promoting Canadian content that reflects Canada’s diverse cultural identity and bilingualism will ensure Canada’s equality. | | | |
< < | Unpacking this Trojan Horse | > > | Why the Online Streaming Act infringes Charter Rights while the Broadcasting Act does not. | | | |
< < | Let’s unpack what made this Act feel off earlier:
The CRTC is given the power to define what content is Canadian enough. How could a commission‘s definition of what constitutes Canadian possibly become problematic? Here’s an example. A TV adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s novel The Handmaid’s Tale, did not qualify as CanCon under the CRTC, never mind that the novel was written by a famous Canadian author and the TV adaptation was filmed in Canada. Whatever reason the CRTC had to not deem this Canadian enough, it is clear that definitions around what is Canadian necessarily includes biases about what one believes Canadian aspects are important. But to define what is Canadian will necessarily reject other interpretations of the Canadian identity. For example, one policy goal of the Act is to promote English-French bilingualism to protect equality of the Quebecois, but doing so will reject a notion of Canada where a majority of French-speaking population is limited to Quebec, with the rest of Canada not proficient in French. The CRTC operates at arms-length from the federal government, with the power to promote through licensing and regulation content they deem Canadian on streaming platforms. In prioritizing their version of Canadian culture, they paint a version of reality they want to emphasize, but must inevitably de-prioritize “non-Canadian” content.
Although this Bill does not directly regulate content creators on social media, it nevertheless influences the content they make by incentivizing the streaming platforms content creators use to draw attention towards CanCon and away from everyone else. To illustrate by example: if tomorrow the CRTC decides that 30% of videos on YouTube? shown to Canadians on their ‘for you’ page must be “Canadian Content”, and failure to meet this requirement will result in penalties for Youtube, then what might happen? Clearly, YouTube? will promote and prioritize videos the CRTC deems is Canadian enough by bumping these videos to the top of video search results and pushing this content onto Canadian users. This comes at the cost of content creators whose videos don’t fit into the CRTC’s CanCon definition, resulting in their loss of viewership and revenue. Over time, content creators will adapt by changing their content to fit within the CRTC’s CanCon framework, and the CRTC can indirectly suppress and censor content they consider non-Canadian through promoting CanCon.
While this newly passed Act has yet to operationalize itself on a large scale, one can see how a slippery slope can form, resulting in an Orwellian shadow over content creators and the version of Canadian culture Canadians will be exposed to. | | | |
< < |
The claim of the essay is that "censorship" violating charter rights is the result of the statute. If so, the Broadcast Act also infringes charter rights, does it not? If not, the essay needed to show why. But you have abandoned the claim, in fact, in favor of a "slippery slope to maybe creating a problem under some circumstances" position. This form of argument is generally disfavored, for evident reasons. But in US First Amendment jurisprudence, standing to challenge the constitutional validity of a regulation that might constitutionally be applied to the plaintiff's speech because it is capable of unconstitutional application is permitted, in order to avoid the "chilling effect" on other potential speakers. If you were offering an overbreadth analysis of the Streaming Act, you needed to show that there is such an expansive jurisdictional grant in place. | > > | The CRTC is given the power to define what content is Canadian enough. How could a commission‘s definition of what constitutes Canadian possibly become problematic? Here’s an example. A TV adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s novel The Handmaid’s Tale, did not qualify as CanCon under the CRTC, never mind that the novel was written by a famous Canadian author and the TV adaptation was filmed in Canada. Whatever reason the CRTC had to not deem this Canadian enough, it is clear that definitions around what is Canadian necessarily includes biases about what one believes Canadian aspects are important. | | | |
< < | Who cares? The "censorship" does not actually result in any Canadian's being unable to access any work of culture or information. The actual effect is regulation of recommendation algorithms, which is not self-evidently a constitutional claim except on behalf of the platform, whose right to run whatever computer programs they want is doubtless subject to regulatory intervention.
| > > | But the Broadcasting Act also gave the CRTC these powers, so what makes this new statute unconstitutional? | |
\ No newline at end of file | |
> > | The Broadcasting Act applied to Federal Crown Corporations like the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, which operated at arms-length from the government and received federal funding. Because these corporations received government funding, the public knows that the narrative of Canada they purport is one that is approved by the Federal Government. It becomes a different story when the government controls the narrative of Canada shared by everyday people, and that is precisely what makes the Online Streaming Act unconstitutional while the Broadcasting Act isn’t. This new Act applies to the public rather than corporations at arms-length from the government — everyday people who post content on YouTube? and whose livelihoods depend on the viewership of their videos. Whereas before this statute was passed these people could post content that purported their narrative of Canada and not be punished if their narrative is not approved by the government, that no longer is the case. Their viewership is no longer a function of demand by the audience, but determined largely by the CRTC, even though they receive no federal funding. The CRTC now have the power to punish everyday people if their narrative is not one shared by the CRTC. The mechanism of quotas that platforms like YouTube? needs to fulfill lest they be fined is effectively a form of censorship that punishes members of the public for not sharing the version of Canada purported by the CRTC. Through setting quotas for platforms like YouTube? to promote a certain amount of CanCon? , this will inevitably demote the content of people who narrative of Canada is not shared by the CRTC, costing them viewership and their livelihoods. Over time, this negative incentive will shift the public consciousness in the direction of the government, creating an Orwellian shadow. This punishment of the public for not sharing “Canadian Content” is inevitably a violation of the Freedom of Expression set forth in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. | | \ No newline at end of file |
|
TonyWangSecondEssay 2 - 21 May 2024 - Main.EbenMoglen
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
Canada’s Online Streaming Act: Promoting Canada Through Censorship | | What is the Online Streaming Act?
| |
< < | The Online Streaming Act, known as Bill C-11, makes changes to Canada’s Broadcasting Act last updated in 1991. The Broadcasting Act gave the CRTA (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission the power to regulate broadcasting, with the purpose of making Canadian Content, or CanCon? , accessible and available in Canada. Before the Online Streaming Act was passed in 2023, the Broadcasting Act did not include online media that delivers audio-visual content under its licensing and regulatory supervision. Today, the new Online Streaming Act will expand the CRTC’s regulatory powers beyond the radio to include the internet — online streaming platforms such as YouTube? , Netflix, Spotify, and etc. Clause 2 of the Act classifies audio-visual content on these streaming platforms as “Online Undertakings”, a class of broadcasting service subject to the licensing and regulation of the CRTC. Clause 10 of the Act gives the CRTC the power to mandate what proportion of programs on these streaming platforms must be Canadian Content or “CanCon”. At this point, oen mgiht ask, what is content is considered Canadian? And who gets to decide what is Canadian enough? Well, herein lies the problem. The Online Streaming Act gives the CRTC the power to define what is considered Canadian Content, as well as the power to impose penalties on streaming platforms that do not comply with regulatory requirements. | > > | The Online Streaming Act, known as Bill C-11, makes changes to Canada’s Broadcasting Act last updated in 1991. The Broadcasting Act gave the CRTA (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission the power to regulate broadcasting, with the purpose of making Canadian Content, or CanCon, accessible and available in Canada. Before the Online Streaming Act was passed in 2023, the Broadcasting Act did not include online media that delivers audio-visual content under its licensing and regulatory supervision. Today, the new Online Streaming Act will expand the CRTC’s regulatory powers beyond the radio to include the internet — online streaming platforms such as YouTube? , Netflix, Spotify, and etc. Clause 2 of the Act classifies audio-visual content on these streaming platforms as “Online Undertakings”, a class of broadcasting service subject to the licensing and regulation of the CRTC. Clause 10 of the Act gives the CRTC the power to mandate what proportion of programs on these streaming platforms must be Canadian Content or “!CanCon”. At this point, oen mgiht ask, what is content is considered Canadian? And who gets to decide what is Canadian enough? Well, herein lies the problem. The Online Streaming Act gives the CRTC the power to define what is considered Canadian Content, as well as the power to impose penalties on streaming platforms that do not comply with regulatory requirements. | | Something feels off right? Well, before we unpack what this will mean, let’s understand what Proponents of the bill will argue. | |
Let’s unpack what made this Act feel off earlier: | |
< < | The CRTC is given the power to define what content is Canadian enough. How could a commission‘s definition of what constitutes Canadian possibly become problematic? Here’s an example. A TV adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s novel The Handmaid’s Tale, did not qualify as CanCon? under the CRTC, never mind that the novel was written by a famous Canadian author and the TV adaptation was filmed in Canada. Whatever reason the CRTC had to not deem this Canadian enough, it is clear that definitions around what is Canadian necessarily includes biases about what one believes Canadian aspects are important. But to define what is Canadian will necessarily reject other interpretations of the Canadian identity. For example, one policy goal of the Act is to promote English-French bilingualism to protect equality of the Quebecois, but doing so will reject a notion of Canada where a majority of French-speaking population is limited to Quebec, with the rest of Canada not proficient in French. The CRTC operates at arms-length from the federal government, with the power to promote through licensing and regulation content they deem Canadian on streaming platforms. In prioritizing their version of Canadian culture, they paint a version of reality they want to emphasize, but must inevitably de-prioritize “non-Canadian” content. | > > | The CRTC is given the power to define what content is Canadian enough. How could a commission‘s definition of what constitutes Canadian possibly become problematic? Here’s an example. A TV adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s novel The Handmaid’s Tale, did not qualify as CanCon under the CRTC, never mind that the novel was written by a famous Canadian author and the TV adaptation was filmed in Canada. Whatever reason the CRTC had to not deem this Canadian enough, it is clear that definitions around what is Canadian necessarily includes biases about what one believes Canadian aspects are important. But to define what is Canadian will necessarily reject other interpretations of the Canadian identity. For example, one policy goal of the Act is to promote English-French bilingualism to protect equality of the Quebecois, but doing so will reject a notion of Canada where a majority of French-speaking population is limited to Quebec, with the rest of Canada not proficient in French. The CRTC operates at arms-length from the federal government, with the power to promote through licensing and regulation content they deem Canadian on streaming platforms. In prioritizing their version of Canadian culture, they paint a version of reality they want to emphasize, but must inevitably de-prioritize “non-Canadian” content. | | | |
< < | Although this Bill does not directly regulate content creators on social media, it nevertheless influences the content they make by incentivizing the streaming platforms content creators use to draw attention towards CanCon? and away from everyone else. To illustrate by example: if tomorrow the CRTC decides that 30% of videos on YouTube? shown to Canadians on their ‘for you’ page must be “Canadian Content”, and failure to meet this requirement will result in penalties for Youtube, then what might happen? Clearly, YouTube? will promote and prioritize videos the CRTC deems is Canadian enough by bumping these videos to the top of video search results and pushing this content onto Canadian users. This comes at the cost of content creators whose videos don’t fit into the CRTC’s CanCon? definition, resulting in their loss of viewership and revenue. Over time, content creators will adapt by changing their content to fit within the CRTC’s CanCon? framework, and the CRTC can indirectly suppress and censor content they consider non-Canadian through promoting CanCon? . | > > | Although this Bill does not directly regulate content creators on social media, it nevertheless influences the content they make by incentivizing the streaming platforms content creators use to draw attention towards CanCon and away from everyone else. To illustrate by example: if tomorrow the CRTC decides that 30% of videos on YouTube? shown to Canadians on their ‘for you’ page must be “Canadian Content”, and failure to meet this requirement will result in penalties for Youtube, then what might happen? Clearly, YouTube? will promote and prioritize videos the CRTC deems is Canadian enough by bumping these videos to the top of video search results and pushing this content onto Canadian users. This comes at the cost of content creators whose videos don’t fit into the CRTC’s CanCon definition, resulting in their loss of viewership and revenue. Over time, content creators will adapt by changing their content to fit within the CRTC’s CanCon framework, and the CRTC can indirectly suppress and censor content they consider non-Canadian through promoting CanCon. | | While this newly passed Act has yet to operationalize itself on a large scale, one can see how a slippery slope can form, resulting in an Orwellian shadow over content creators and the version of Canadian culture Canadians will be exposed to. | |
> > |
The claim of the essay is that "censorship" violating charter rights is the result of the statute. If so, the Broadcast Act also infringes charter rights, does it not? If not, the essay needed to show why. But you have abandoned the claim, in fact, in favor of a "slippery slope to maybe creating a problem under some circumstances" position. This form of argument is generally disfavored, for evident reasons. But in US First Amendment jurisprudence, standing to challenge the constitutional validity of a regulation that might constitutionally be applied to the plaintiff's speech because it is capable of unconstitutional application is permitted, in order to avoid the "chilling effect" on other potential speakers. If you were offering an overbreadth analysis of the Streaming Act, you needed to show that there is such an expansive jurisdictional grant in place.
Who cares? The "censorship" does not actually result in any Canadian's being unable to access any work of culture or information. The actual effect is regulation of recommendation algorithms, which is not self-evidently a constitutional claim except on behalf of the platform, whose right to run whatever computer programs they want is doubtless subject to regulatory intervention.
| | \ No newline at end of file |
|
TonyWangSecondEssay 1 - 22 Apr 2024 - Main.TonyWang
|
|
> > |
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
Canada’s Online Streaming Act: Promoting Canada Through Censorship
-- By TonyWang - 15 Apr 2024
Section 2(b) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms gives Canadians a constitutionally protected right to Freedom of Expression, which the Online Streaming Act will inevitably violate because it promotes Canadian Content through Censorship.
What is the Online Streaming Act?
The Online Streaming Act, known as Bill C-11, makes changes to Canada’s Broadcasting Act last updated in 1991. The Broadcasting Act gave the CRTA (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission the power to regulate broadcasting, with the purpose of making Canadian Content, or CanCon? , accessible and available in Canada. Before the Online Streaming Act was passed in 2023, the Broadcasting Act did not include online media that delivers audio-visual content under its licensing and regulatory supervision. Today, the new Online Streaming Act will expand the CRTC’s regulatory powers beyond the radio to include the internet — online streaming platforms such as YouTube? , Netflix, Spotify, and etc. Clause 2 of the Act classifies audio-visual content on these streaming platforms as “Online Undertakings”, a class of broadcasting service subject to the licensing and regulation of the CRTC. Clause 10 of the Act gives the CRTC the power to mandate what proportion of programs on these streaming platforms must be Canadian Content or “CanCon”. At this point, oen mgiht ask, what is content is considered Canadian? And who gets to decide what is Canadian enough? Well, herein lies the problem. The Online Streaming Act gives the CRTC the power to define what is considered Canadian Content, as well as the power to impose penalties on streaming platforms that do not comply with regulatory requirements.
Something feels off right? Well, before we unpack what this will mean, let’s understand what Proponents of the bill will argue.
Why proponents say we need this Act.
Subsection B
Proponents make three assertions. Firstly, the Online Streaming Act merely updates the outdated Broadcasting Act to include new forms of broadcasting on the internet, and it is a natural adaptation of the Broadcasting Act’s powers to the modern age. Secondly, such government paternalism and cultural protectionism is necessary for purposes of equality, because promoting Canadian content that reflects Canada’s diverse cultural identity and bilingualism will ensure Canada’s equality. Lastly, in response to public backlash and unease, the Bill stipulates that social media users that are not affiliated with service providers are not subject to the CRTC’s broadcasting regulations, so one need not worry about censorship because the CRTC will not stop you from uploading your cat videos to YouTube? or place penalties on you for not making enough Canadian Content.
Unpacking this Trojan Horse
Let’s unpack what made this Act feel off earlier:
The CRTC is given the power to define what content is Canadian enough. How could a commission‘s definition of what constitutes Canadian possibly become problematic? Here’s an example. A TV adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s novel The Handmaid’s Tale, did not qualify as CanCon? under the CRTC, never mind that the novel was written by a famous Canadian author and the TV adaptation was filmed in Canada. Whatever reason the CRTC had to not deem this Canadian enough, it is clear that definitions around what is Canadian necessarily includes biases about what one believes Canadian aspects are important. But to define what is Canadian will necessarily reject other interpretations of the Canadian identity. For example, one policy goal of the Act is to promote English-French bilingualism to protect equality of the Quebecois, but doing so will reject a notion of Canada where a majority of French-speaking population is limited to Quebec, with the rest of Canada not proficient in French. The CRTC operates at arms-length from the federal government, with the power to promote through licensing and regulation content they deem Canadian on streaming platforms. In prioritizing their version of Canadian culture, they paint a version of reality they want to emphasize, but must inevitably de-prioritize “non-Canadian” content.
Although this Bill does not directly regulate content creators on social media, it nevertheless influences the content they make by incentivizing the streaming platforms content creators use to draw attention towards CanCon? and away from everyone else. To illustrate by example: if tomorrow the CRTC decides that 30% of videos on YouTube? shown to Canadians on their ‘for you’ page must be “Canadian Content”, and failure to meet this requirement will result in penalties for Youtube, then what might happen? Clearly, YouTube? will promote and prioritize videos the CRTC deems is Canadian enough by bumping these videos to the top of video search results and pushing this content onto Canadian users. This comes at the cost of content creators whose videos don’t fit into the CRTC’s CanCon? definition, resulting in their loss of viewership and revenue. Over time, content creators will adapt by changing their content to fit within the CRTC’s CanCon? framework, and the CRTC can indirectly suppress and censor content they consider non-Canadian through promoting CanCon? .
While this newly passed Act has yet to operationalize itself on a large scale, one can see how a slippery slope can form, resulting in an Orwellian shadow over content creators and the version of Canadian culture Canadians will be exposed to. |
|
Revision 3 | r3 - 01 Jun 2024 - 01:51:10 - TonyWang |
Revision 2 | r2 - 21 May 2024 - 14:36:44 - EbenMoglen |
Revision 1 | r1 - 22 Apr 2024 - 01:57:40 - TonyWang |
|